Tuesday, August 11, 2015

SPONTANEITY AND FREEDOM

SPONTANEITY AND FREEDOM
Nildo Viana

In the current phase of capitalism, led by the integral regime of accumulation emerges the evaluative supremacy of hedonism accompanied by a new individualism that end up confusing spontaneity freely. In this context, becomes important to distinguish these two terms in a revolutionary humanist perspective, if only because such conceptions end up invading the left-leaning, as they are largely a product of time.

The key point is to understand the difference between spontaneity and freedom. Understanding this is easier from the individual analysis. A spontaneous individual is not necessarily a free individual. The most extreme examples make this clearer: a psychopath is extremely spontaneous to commit murder, as well as a religious fanatic to preach the gospel in the city's downtown streets. But any critical analyst realizes that such practices are carried out spontaneously, but not freely because they are stuck in his unbalanced mental universe.

Spontaneity is an action whose initiative is undertaken by the individual (or group). A child born in religious family and is taught to pray daily and embarrassed to do so, to a certain age will do it on their own. Freud (1974) and psychoanalysis already explained this phenomenon and named it: introjection[1]. The socialization and rehabilitation of individuals, as well as concrete manifestations in the process (trauma, violence, etc.) and the set of social relationships (including Culture) generate habits, foibles, vices, desires (sexual, emotional, consumption , etc.), actions that apparently spring from the individual in its authenticity, but in the background is social and psychological product.

This spontaneity that is introjection of demonstration or psychic imbalance, has nothing to do with freedom. Confuse spontaneity with freedom is extremely useful to those in power, it can give more space for the realization of spontaneity at the expense of freedom.

What is freedom? According to Hegel (1995), it is the awareness of the need[2]. This is a still restricted design, but brings two fundamental concepts to understand freedom: awareness and need. Freedom presupposes consciousness, reason, reflection. Obviously this does not mean defending the idea that the human being is defined to be a "rational animal", as this would be one-sided. He is a praxis, that is, that puts a conscious purpose, a project in their activities. However, it does not do this individually but socially. So it is also a social being.

In this context, you can see that the human being is still an "animal", however you want to get away from nature, for he has a body and this has needs[3]. Organic needs underlying the establishment of the specifically human needs: sociality and praxis (VIANA, 2007; MARX and ENGELS, 1991), complementary and inseparable elements.

Thus, we could say that freedom is the realization of human needs, which are the basic needs (organic), sociality and praxis. Its emergency means a process of humanization and this transforms the organic needs which are also summarized. Freedom is autotelic, ie praxis is founded on the association aimed at its realization and organic needs.

We do not need to recall here that this is a trend historical process that was relatively interrupted by the emergence of class society and alienation as Marx (1983) demonstrated, which caused the degradation of labor and sociality and therefore of life in its entirety, including the basic needs (some reaching certain individuals, for their class belonging, such as hunger, the other all in the form of dehumanized satisfaction).

Let us return, however, to focus our analysis. Freedom is the manifestation of human nature, its realization, that is, expression of sociality and praxis, or to use a neologism, the "praxity". So freedom is not "aware of the need" as in Hegel, but its implementation in the sense of materialization (satisfaction) of human needs, the praxity, expressing freedom (praxis) collective (sociality)[4] of humanity. This presupposes the satisfaction of organic needs, now under humane and truly free form.

Spontaneity is the thoughtless manifestation of desires and needs (authentic or not)[5] of individuals. Spontaneity, despite being thoughtless, can subsequently be justified and legitimized by everyday representations, doctrines, ideologies, etc. If an individual spontaneously practicing zoophilia, manifests spontaneity. Motivation can be psychic imbalance or inability to satisfaction of authentic needs in a humane way. However, if later he writes a treatise on zoophilia performing his naturalization, he expresses intellectual production of justification and legitimation of its spontaneity, which means that it will become "reflected," but it will be illusory. This process occurs every day, but in some way reflected, and psychoanalysis named this phenomenon as rationalization. In this case there is the production of a thingified spontaneity[6]. Therefore, the praise of spontaneity in capitalism reinforces the objectification process instead of humanization.

This also manifests itself in the political sphere of the struggle of classes and social groups. The spontaneity of the working classes is expressed through actions and immediate demands and reflected little and are fundamental to the empowerment and passage for later revolutionary struggles. However, it must be recognized that such spontaneity is a reaction to a situation that does not mean praxis, and therefore to be overcome. The collective spontaneity is different from the individual, as in the first case we have collective action generated by a particular social situation and in the second case individual acts generated by the life story of the individuals (and their crystallization in the psychic universe thereof).

If the individual is the passage from spontaneity to autonomy, it also occurs at the level of classes and groups. Autonomy is a step forward in relation to the spontaneity (authentic)[7], it means not only "own initiative"[8], but also to refuse submission to other instances (in the individual case: cultural violence, etc .; in the case of class: parties refusal and trade unions, etc.). The spontaneous is something that arises from the own individual or group (which can be, and is usually generated by external elements) and the autonomous is something that arises from the own individual or group with the advantage of refuse bureaucratic institutions and social pressures (here and only the internalized elements psychic imbalance may remain). Spontaneity is often its own initiative in a particular context marked by a history of life and psychological makeup of individuals and / or certain social status (class belonging, living conditions, political, etc.).

The autonomy is therefore an advance and opens the way to practice, which means that spontaneity must be overcome is to generate autonomy or directly praxis. Autonomy is therefore between spontaneity and praxis, freedom. But not even be praxis, is another moment that must be overcome. The achievement of self-determination, of praxis, it is overcoming the spontaneity and autonomy.

Certain spontaneous demonstrations are merely ways to express reproduction or consequences of existing society[9]. In the individual case it is almost absolute. This also occurs with certain groups and classes. Where spontaneity is not reified refusal, then it is limited, but the starting point for the transition to autonomy or practice. The freedom, on the other hand, if marginally expressed as an individual practice, and should be generalized to finish making up the collective and individual freedom, the first condition of the latter.

Thus, spontaneity is far from freedom. Even in the narrower sense of freedom, as pointed out by Bloch and Fromm, the "free", which means "freedom from something" it is something broader than spontaneity. Another element that can not be overlooked is that individual freedom can not be fully achieved without the collective freedom. In a class society, founded on exploitation and domination, an individual, however rich, intelligent, powerful that is can not be fully free. In class societies sociality is degraded, and the work that is alienated. In capitalism, sociality is permeated by conflicts (of classes), competition (and everything that derives it: envy, jealousy, possessiveness, selfishness, utilitarianism, individualism, etc.) and work and set of human activities are rather than realization of human potential (creativity, development of physical and mental energies) become controlled by other actions aimed at ensuring the exploitation and domination, and denial of them, mortification and dehumanization.

The social transformation in which sociality overcome conflicts and competition, replaced by solidarity and the overcoming of alienated labor and widespread alienation and its replacement by praxis, means the collective freedom, which allows individual freedom, the individual freely associated with other individuals and generalizing the practice. This is the utopia that needs to be accomplished, it is a human need, and can only exist in a self-managed society. Anything that opposes this process of human liberation, even though speaking in its name, is an obstacle to be overcome. All ideologies and hedonistic and current new individualists conceptions are challenging the cult of spontaneity and reified so this service needs to be overcome, it is one of the obstacles to human emancipation.



[1] Some ideologues like Jean Piaget, seek to find there, by the time a child spends playing by itself against what it has built into society, such as "autonomy" (VIANA, 2000; Piaget, 1990). It is, of course, an ideology that inverts reality and entering in visible contradiction with the psychoanalytic discoveries.

[2] The Hegelian conception of freedom is complex and points to the relationship between consciousness and freedom, but goes beyond liberalism and puts its implementation in the state as ethical and universal. "Hegel was the first I heard of exposing an exact way the relationship between freedom and a need. For him, freedom is nothing other than the conviction of need "(Engels, 1990, p. 95). Marx overcomes Hegel showing that only "freely associated individuals" with the abolition of the state, is that one can attain freedom.

[3] Christianity is the religious form that expresses this more clearly to think "life after death", which is a complete break with the animal world, the "pure spirit," who does not eat, has no sex, etc.

[4] Here we do not use sociability why this concept gets a more restricted meaning to express another social phenomenon (VIANA, 2008) and "association", because this is wider. The term "sociality", used by Simmel (1983) with another meaning and the Portuguese translation (which could have used another term and translators put this explicitly), it seems more appropriate to express the meaning we want to pass on the social character human being, and it exists only inside social relations and needs them both for survival when a psychic reasons and only then is a human being and becomes human. The human being is a social being, ie integrated into society, sharing it as a necessity and reality, whether in the humanized or dehumanized form. The sociality is the bond between human beings and the other, which in the absence generates madness, suicide or unhappiness. Why is this is a psychic need (some would say "existential") of the human being.

[5] We must remember that in addition to the primary needs (organic) and secondary (specifically human, sociality and praxis), historically produces new needs, which we call tertiary, which may be consistent with the radical needs (primary and secondary) or not . In the first case, they are authentic and express a continuing process of humanization and in the second case are inauthentic and express a denial of human and humane essence.

[6] Reified mean transformed into "thing", something autonomous, with its own life and not being social and historical product. In this case, reified spontaneity means the transformation of spontaneity into something that has its own life and without social and historical roots, creating a fantastic isolation winning autonomy and takes place on its own. No doubt this empowerment only occurs in the realm of ideology and not on concrete reality.
[7] In the case of an inauthentic spontaneity, ie, that does not express the radical human needs, but generated by its denial (alienation, repression, restraining, etc.), then it is an autonomy that deepens this process of inauthenticity and dehumanization.
[8] Own initiative in the sense defined above, that is, on its own, but that is determined externally.

[9] The capitalist society, for example, generates selfish, competitive, jealous, people, etc., according to the modern sociability and its reproduction process (competition, bureaucratization and commodification), playback elements of society (VIANA, 2008). Prostitution, for example, is a consequence of that society and its existence can generate inauthentic spontaneity manifested in the alleged desire to submit to the body commodification process. This obviously manifest sexual oppression in a society which commercializes all. Many prostitutes deny prostitution and recognize their alienated character, an activity that is kind to other needs, while others claim that this is something we really want spontaneously. This manifests thingified spontaneity (imbalance or psychological in certain cases). So when the liberal ideology is to defend the thesis that everyone does what you want with your body (it's their "private property," his "merchandise") only legitimate in this case oppression and body commodification of these women .

Sunday, August 9, 2015

The ideology of gender is not Marxist

The ideology of gender is not Marxist

Nildo Viana

Reading the latest issue of the Journal Option, I came across the priest's text Luiz Carlos Lodi regarding the gender ideology. The author aims to question this ideology and makes a number of statements that would like to comment.

The first point I would highlight is the claim that such an ideology has "Marxist origin." I will have, due to reasons of space, to be very brief about the origins of this ideology. For further insight into just consult my article "Gender and Ideology" in the collection The Women's Issues (Rio de Janeiro, Modern Science, 2006). Marxism exerted a strong influence on feminism of the 60s, but loses such influence over the next decade. From the 70 post-structuralism arises (better known as "postmodernism") that passes, gradually gaining ground and become hegemonic, presenting itself as the overcoming of Marxism - the new big opponent of this theory which replaces former adversaries defeated by Marxism after the social struggles of the late '60s, structuralism, which was functionalism substitute.

The new feminism reference hegemonic speaking, becomes the post-structuralism, and the emergence of gender ideology is precisely in the 70s and is strengthened in the 80s, when the post-structuralism wins global force. The ideology of gender thus born in opposition to Marxism, particularly to replace the question of social classes by gender issues, replacing a social theory by a culturalist ideology.

To say that the origin of gender ideology is Marxist, or say that it is a Marxist character, is a misnomer, as the fundamental principle of Marxism, class struggle, is replaced by a fanciful "struggle of genres." Another radical difference between gender ideology and Marxism is epistemological, because for Marxism, the entire category is fundamental and one can only understand a social phenomenon in the set of social relationships, while the gender ideology, following the fashion poststructuralist, abandons the vision of totality, empowering and essentializing the "gender relations". The issue of women in the Marxist approach, is involved in the set of social relations and can not leave the issue of corporeality to analyze the relationships between the sexes.

The existence of some similarities between this design and Marxism does not make it a Marxist conception. This is not a commendable method or effective to understand the historical development (or cultural) of humanity, for the same procedure could be used and see similarities between Nazism and Christianity, or between fascism and contemporary feminism, and assert that Nazism has Christian origin and contemporary feminism has fascist origin, which only very irresponsible and decontextualisation could be stated. Undoubtedly, one can find some similarities between the gender ideology and Marxism, and note that there are some feminists who seek to join the two conceptions. However, if a notebook has leaves and a tree as well, this does not cause the tree to be a notebook or vice versa, even because they are "different" sheets.

On practical proposals derived from gender ideology, we note that they derive the culturalism that is at its base. On the one hand we have the conception of the question of the woman who is "naturalizing", biologist, which is typical of conservative view, on the other hand we have the gender ideology, where everything turns into "cultural construction". This ideology, as in more extreme view of Judith Butler, it generates a reversal of the traditional view and reaches the absurd to say that heterosexuality is compulsory and that sex (embodiment) is constructed by gender. Now the view that gender roles are socially constituted was produced by sociology and anthropology, as well as the critique of biological determinism on the issue of relations between the sexes was effected pioneered by Simone de Beauvoir in the 40 Not to mention the Marxism and various currents of psychoanalysis.

Accept and naturalize "the woman's place is at home" is not only a great conservatism but also a pre-scientific position and pre-Marxist. Extreme (and error) that is opposite unlink "gender" and sex means nothing more than abolish a part of concrete reality to defend their interests, or to stay "fashionable", which is a form of interest, since linking with the fad allows "competitive academic advantage."

So we must question not only the post-structuralist theories, as the revived conservatism (and manifesting in various forms, including in the form of religious fundamentalism) in contemporary society.

NILDO VIANA is professor of UEG and a doctorate in sociology from UNB.

Saturday, August 8, 2015

Capital Pharmaceutical, medicalization and Invention Diseases

Capital Pharmaceutical, medicalization and Invention Diseases

Nildo Viana *

The process of medicalization of society has already been terminated a long time by social scientists and other researchers from the humanities. However, the medicalization process has been deepening, despite criticism, and professionals now from other areas, including medicine and biology, increase the number of critics. Simultaneously, the pharmaceutical capital, the most - but not only - interested in this medicalization process, reinforces their advertising strategies, its investment in research, not only in order to produce medicines, but also in order to produce new diseases. In this sense it was coined the term "disease mongering", or "inventing diseases."

The process of inventing diseases is already old and his classic example is psychiatry and "mental illness", that after the criticism became "mental disorders" and continue to exist and be reinforced by professionals of psychiatry and a huge help pharmaceutical capital . According to psychologist L. Kamin, Richard Lewontin biologist and geneticist S. Rose (1987), every ten years comes a new mental illness and a new remedy for it. The ideological source of this process lies in transforming what is psychic - something that is inorganic, mental, whose origin is social and / or behavioral character - in disease, that is, into something organically bounded would have "biological" origin (Szazs, 1979; Szazs, 1980; Viana, 2010). Thus, all coming out of socially imposed behavior pattern can be considered "abnormal" as opposed to "normal", including youth, political activists, among others. The ideology of normality / abnormality (Fromm, 1976; Horney, 1984) has a clear role to standardize social behavior and it uses a set of mechanisms, including the medicalization.
However, this process of inventing diseases expands more and is not just on the mind or behavior, but also for the body and this is seen in the disease character assignment for baldness, bringing, as a "solution" the "appropriate medicine", widely publicized by an extensive advertising campaign. However, the list is longer than you think: menopause, depression, etc., are "diseases" that need to be addressed. According to Moynihan and Kassels (2011):

The definitions of diseases are enlarged, but the causes of these supposed dysfunctions are instead described in the most summary way possible. In the universe of this type of marketing a greater health problem, such as cardiovascular disease, it can be considered narrow focus of the cholesterol level and blood pressure of a person. Prevention of hip fractures in the elderly is mixed up with the obsession with bone density of middle-aged women in good health. Personal distress result of a chemical imbalance in the brain serotonin.
The pharmacist capital generated the production of ideologies and financed research on another new disease, "female sexual dysfunction". Thus, the pharmaceutical capital, along with scientific research and oligopolistic media, advertising agencies, doctors, etc. invent fake diseases to cause medicalization and therefore expanding the consumer market for medicines, medical services, etc.

The goal of this, of course, is the expanded reproduction of the consumer market, natural consequence and logic of reproduction of capital. The logic of capitalist accumulation is the enlarged reproduction: d - m - d '- m - d' '- m - d' '' which means money-commodity-money, in which the capital invested through the exploitation of workers generates more money that is reinvested, increasing production, which still generates more money, which again is reinvested and so on. That means it is always necessary to increase production and, along with that, increase consumption. The reproduction of capital generates the need for expanded reproduction of the consumer merchant. The pharmacist capital, as well as the industrial capital and other capital sectors, produce more and need to sell more and more, that is, playing in a broad way the consumer market. Advertising is one of the strategies used, added to the power of persuasion of scientific research and medicine in a society increasingly "rationalized", or, in other words, subjected to instrumental reason.
The British magazine "British Medical Journal" reports and research Ray Moynihan and Barbara Mitzes, University of Newcastle (Australia), contained in the book "Fri, Lies and Pharmaceuticals", which denounces the production of a new disease by manipulating held by laboratory workers and "paid opinion leaders." Thus, the union of the advertising campaign of the pharmaceutical capital, more medical and scientific research funded by the same pharmacist capital, and reproduction in oligopolistic media, provide a process of inventing a new disease, the researchers and propagandists claim to be "generalized" and it is characterized as a "hypoactive sexual desire disorder." The researchers were employed or funded by the pharmaceutical capital. Other research, outside the pharmaceutical capital area, questioned the existence of supposed disease.

According to the study of Moynihan and Mintzes, the Pfizer funded courses for American doctors in the United States in which it put data on "invented disease" (63% of women would be to "sexual dysfunction") and the solution (" cure ") would be testosterone with Sildenafil (the active ingredient of Viagra, produced by the same laboratory), together with" behavior therapy ". In Germany, Boehringer Ingelheim, another great representative of the transnational pharmaceutical capital, announced the launch of the "desire of the drug," the Flibaserin, an antidepressant. However, the US drug control agency vetoed it and advised against the use of sildenafil.

However, the effect of advertising is devastating because it creates a need manufactured around a manufactured disease. In addition, female sexual dysfunction, when actually existing some sexual disinterest, is related to an organic problem, a disease, and its real origin is usually psychological and no use of medication use, not to mention the "side effects" of the same . The competitive society and forms of repression and social oppression, living with a time of "fight against empty" (Rojas, 1996), make room for the medicalization and invention of numerous diseases such as female sexual dysfunction, overactive bladder, depression, baldness and several others. Besides the side effects, the drug often generates what is supposed to combat:

"Selling diseases is done according to various marketing techniques, but the most widespread is the fear. To sell women the hormone replacement in menopausal period, if it brandishes fear of heart attack. To sell parents the idea that minor depression requires a heavy treatment, boasts up youth suicide. To sell drugs to lower cholesterol, talk of premature death. And yet, ironically, the very drugs that are exacerbated advertising objects sometimes cause the problems should avoid "(Moynihan and Cassels, 2011).
The hormone replacement therapy (HRT) increases the risk of heart attack among women; antidepressants appear to increase the risk of suicidal thinking among young people. At least one of the famous drugs to lower cholesterol was withdrawn because it had caused the death of "patients." In the most serious cases, the drug considered good to treat banal intestinal problems caused such constipation patients died. However, in this and other cases, national regulatory authorities seem more interested in protecting the profits of pharmaceutical companies than public health (Moynihan and Cassels, 2011).

 The result is labor camp for medical, profits for the pharmaceutical capital and imaginary invention of diseases whose treatment generates real diseases. Thus, the legal drugs now compete with illegal drugs, with the difference being that those who profit are others and their "target audience" is involuntary. Contemporary capitalism, led by a new regime of accumulation (Viana, 2009), creates an expanded reproduction of iatrogénèse diseases to resume concept of Ivan Illich (1980), the application of science as a destructive force, rather than productive.

The pharmacist capital and the medicalization of society are two things that go hand in hand and express a society "sick" in the sense that their reproduction is increasingly destructive, either by the dynamics of profit, is the psychic misery reigning in a society commercial, bureaucratic and competitive (Viana, 2008), based on the exploitation, domination and oppression, creating a futile way of life and the emptiness of those who overcame the struggle for basic needs, and poverty and hunger for millions who could not not even that.
The pharmacist capital is just another cog in the wheel of capitalism. And today, under the full regime of accumulation (Viana, 2009) and the constant need for expanded reproduction of the consumer market, it is necessary to expand the existence of diseases and the medicalization of society, including quickly and spare speed of consumption, and the same process that occurs today in the artistic sphere as in music where the phonographic capital accelerated the replacement of fashions.

Here just noted, again, everything was absorbed by capital, whose ultimate goal is to increase the surplus value production (exploration), which means profit, reproduction of capital and production increasingly intense of goods and, therefore, expanded reproduction of the consumer market and consumption. Matter who gets hurt, but not lack medicine to forget the pain.

References

FROMM, Erich. Psicanálise da Sociedade Contemporânea. 6a Edition, Rio de Janeiro, Zahar, 1976.
 HORNEY, Karen. A Personalidade Neurótica de Nosso Tempo. 10ª edition, São Paulo, Difel, 1984.
ILLICH, Ivan. A Expropriação da Saúde. Nêmesis da Medicina. 2ª edition, Rio de Janeiro, Nova Fronteira, 1984.
Kamin, Leon; Lewontin, Richard; Rose, Steven. Genética e Política. Lisboa, Europa-América,  1987.
MOYNIHAN, Ray e CASSELS, Alan. Os Vendedores de Doenças. Le Monde Diplomatique. 01/05/2006 Disponível em: http://diplomatique.uol.com.br/acervo.php?id=1842 Acessado em: 01/03/2011.
ROJAS, Enrique. O Homem Moderno. A Luta Contra o Vazio. São Paulo, Mandarim, 1996.
SZAZS, T. A Fabricação da Loucura. Rio de Janeiro, Zahar, 1980.
SZAZS, T. O Mito da Doença Mental. Rio de Janeiro, Zahar, 1979.
VIANA, Nildo. Cérebro e Ideologia. Uma Crítica ao Determinismo Cerebral. Jundiaí, Paco Editorial, 2010.
VIANA, Nildo. O Capitalismo na Era da Acumulação Integral. São Paulo, Ideias e Letras, 2009.
VIANA, Nildo. Universo Psíquico e Reprodução do Capital. Ensaios Freudo-Marxistas. São Paulo, Escuta, 2008.

SPACE AND SOCIETY FROM KARL MARX CONTRIBUTION

SPACE AND SOCIETY FROM KARL MARX CONTRIBUTION

Nildo Viana *

The Karl Marx's theory has nothing to do with the question of space because he did not write anything about it. This statement is apparently correct. The great thing is that Marx did not write any work or Direct article on the concept of space or with the focus on this issue, but made several analyzes of the society surrounding it. This is our topic in this article.

The conception of Marx is admittedly marked by historicity. He reviewed the history of humanity and developed a theory of history. This is known by the succession of modes of production. The historical specificity idea is another key element of his thought (KORSCH, 1983). If this is recognized with relative ease and consensus, the same does not occur with the space issue. However, Marx's work also points to a perception of space. This perception of space, in turn, is inextricably linked to social and historical. A given space is a form of manifestation of certain social relations entered a region, territory, etc. No doubt, he made no such claim, but it can be deduced from the way he works the issue of space. That is why we will discuss initially its analysis of space in the historical process of development of humanity and subsequently in the case of capitalist society.

When Marx analyzes the passage of classless societies to class society, he notes a process of expansion of the social division of labor that keeps intimate relationship with a spatial division of society. In this context, he notes the opposition town and country (Marx and Engels 2002), a product of the expansion of social division of labor, it generates, in turn, a space division. But beyond this question of origins, there is also the historic district of certain companies in certain regions. That's why it may be the Asiatic mode of production concepts and Germanic mode of production (Marx, 1985). Asian mode of production is confined to a particular region, such as the German production. Obviously, the two terms are problematic because it is not the issue in the region that characterizes these modes of production (although impact on him, as the issue of irrigation in the Asiatic mode of production), but this is due to the fact that he not produced a developed theory of such modes of production, and its analysis focused more on the case of existing modes of production in Western Europe.

The deformation of Marx's thought, which was presented to consist of a positivist conception of laws of history, which was marked by the succession required four modes of production is an obstacle to be overcome in order to understand its method and conception of reality, as something concrete and not as a mere manifestation of social laws. Undoubtedly, it addresses the succession of the Asiatic mode of production, ancient, feudal and bourgeois in the Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy (Marx, 1983), but this exposure, "in general terms" is not the presentation of an evolution General of humanity. In this text he does not have the primitive communities preceding these production methods that are already social classes, are modes of production of class societies.

In the Grundrisse (Marx 2011), drafts of Capital (Marx, 1988) in the chapter which was later published under the title of Economic Formations Pre-capitalists (Marx, 1985), he examines more deeply than in Ideology German (Marx and Engels 2002), the development of other modes of production beyond the classics of Western Europe (slavery, feudalism and capitalism). The Asiatic mode of production, and the "German", are ways of class-production, despite the controversy surrounding it, as already constituted and production and appropriation of surplus, or exploitative relationships. But what interests us here is to reaffirm the relationship between space and society. These modes of production existed in certain regions, making certain types of company and a particular spatial organization. Of course, then, some historians have identified the existence of an Asian mode of production originated outside the region, which, however, only means that the name "Asian" is inaccurate and similar forms have emerged in other regions (such as some claim have existed in the Americas). In other words, a mode of production and a corresponding shape society are historical and are organized in a particular territorial space, establishing specific relationships derived from social processes and suffering influences, whose intensity and shape depend both on social relations as the local environment.

However, the relationship between space and society becomes more concrete and depth in Marx's analysis when it comes to the capitalist society. The analysis that Marx makes the rise and development of the capitalist mode of production points to your continuous process of spatial expansion and transformation of space. Since the revival of cities and redefining the space with the gradual creation of an urban space, the expulsion of peasants from their lands and the reconfiguration of rural space, through the analysis of primitive accumulation of capital and derived spatial transformations, including the tax process by absolutist and colonial system state (Marx, 1988b), until the constitution of the new urban landscape with the industrial revolution and capitalist accumulation consolidation itself and its International Space rebound, Marx makes a set of tests that show the close relationship between capital, state capitalist, class struggle and reconstitution of space.

In this sense, the analysis of the capitalist mode of production by Marx is key to understanding the changes in urban, rural and international space. Articles about colonialism (Marx and Engels 1978) point to the perception that the space setting is something constituted socially and in capitalist society, capital of the movement, the state action, class struggles, the workers' struggle, They are key to understanding this process. Undoubtedly, not only what he actually wrote about the social, as well as the spatial changes that accompany them, but two other elements of his work are central to an analysis of space in modern society: his theory of capitalism and the dialectical method.

The dialectical method is essential to the realization that the space must be analyzed not as "thing" in the Durkheimian sense (Durkheim, 2008), metaphysical conception, and not under the empiricist way. The fetishism of the space is to give life to it, thinking that it acts on its own, which has its own life. A Durkheim's approach would end it, but even some supposedly Marxist end up gestating similar ideologies (VIANA, 2002). The space does not have life. Undoubtedly, there is the environment and its characteristics, possibilities, resistances to certain human actions. You can tell that the environment (and not something abstract like "space") is one of the determinations of the constitution of the human, social space. The empiricist view, in turn, is also totally lacking in a position to explain the space because it isolates loses sight of its historicity (its social constitution process). The dialectical method points to a theory of reality that comprises the same as something concrete, set in a whole and being the product of a historical constitution. If space inhabited by human beings, it is a socially constituted space, inserted in the totality of social relationships that generate certain spatial configuration, and had a historical process of formation and mutation. Once constituted any social space (urban, rural, etc.), it obviously produces limits, assumes forms, which are often inherited from the current generations by previous generations. Space does not builds on itself, it is only the reproduction of previous social relations and that they continue to exist and have strong roots and underpinnings that make it difficult to overcome it.

And it is then that becomes important to Marx's theory of capitalism, another indirect contribution of this author to understand the relationship between space and society under capitalism. The spatial organization in capitalist society reproduces the social organization, social division of labor. The social division of labor creates a spatial division of labor. However, this is not static, it changes historically and can perform mergers and hybrid processes. The class struggle is the fundamental concept to explain this process of social constitution of space in capitalism. The essence of capitalism is the production of surplus value, which expresses a relation of exploitation and domination that occurs in the labor and production process, which has a strong impact on the spatial organization of a city and, derivatively, of society as a whole. Industrial production is not deployed anywhere and where it settles interfere in other social relations and social space. The impact of industrial centers is much stronger than that of isolated industries, but even in the case of the latter can not think not. The impact covers public transport, pollution, trade, services and creates different needs that have to be met, such as training of the workforce, consumer media, etc. It also generates spaces of resistance, struggle and reconciliation and distraction, such as the various forms of organization of workers (unions, clubs, etc.), support services, locations and times of mobilization, etc. However, this is only an apparent element of the whole process, for the production of surplus value not only creates struggle and derived needs them (legal and repressive apparatus, for example), but beyond the walls of factories, creates the need for realization of surplus value, distribution relationships, circulation and trade. Here engage numerous other social relations, we can not name. The capitalist state is responsible for organizing the space so to allow the reproduction of capitalist relations of production as to prevent social change. The Paris Commune produced mutations in urban areas to prevent the recurrence of similar experiences (Engels, 1986).

However, the struggles of classes do not do just because of the domination and exploitation process in the labor process, they reproduce in the instance of the distribution of surplus value in the distribution and circulation relationships. The acquisition of means of consumption, more or less possible for certain sectors of society, in forms and varying degrees, are sources of conflict as well as the services and the state's role in the distribution of surplus value, usually benefiting the capital, capitalists and bureaucrats. Other classes enter the fight: lumpenproletariat, peasants, intellectuals, domestic workers, etc. The very spatial organization and the segregation process creates new conflicts and various agents: the real estate capital and speculation, government, homeless, residents of the suburbs, etc.

However, capitalist relations of production generate a process of expanded reproduction of capital, growing accumulation, concentration and centralization. This causes national spatial disparities, regional, local. This produces urban growth and various other problems. In short, it is a diverse set of complex and intertwined social relations that affect the space, giving it a configuration and create conflicts and struggles, more materials for state action, spatial intervention. But this is a permanent process of capitalism and can not forget the historicity and fail to see that it only reproduces widening and does this through mutations.

The capitalist mode of production changes and this creates changes in the spatial organization. However, despite Marx have done a historical approach of the constitution and early evolution of capitalism, could not parse its subsequent evolution to the 19th century and, in this case, it is expanding the capitalist theory to observe its historical development. The theory of accumulation regimes points to a perception of historical development based on capitalist theory of Marx (VIANA, 2003; VIANA, 2009), which, however, goes beyond the limits of this discussion. It is only to note that the successive regimes of accumulation space are international, national, regional and local changes, affecting the daily lives of people, as in the case of full accumulation regime, the current accumulation regime, which increases poverty, violence, etc., because of its search to increase the exploration process in general, creating new space phenomena, such as the creation of gated communities, living with the "slums" of society (Davis, 2006), to name just two examples.

In short, the contribution of Karl Marx to think the relationship between space and society encompasses a complex set of issues and problems that can only to list its main aspects. This contribution is included not only the direct references to Marx the process of relationship between space and society, but also its theoretical and methodological contribution and must be added the possible subsequent developments made by others. The whole of Marx's work offers a wealth of material on the question of the relationship between space and society, which is dispersed in a number of texts and excerpts of works that have not won a collection and has won his writings scattered about education, art and various other social phenomena. When this work is done, the studies on its direct contribution will be increased and facilitated. Its methodological contribution is fundamental and opens broad analytical perspectives not fully developed yet, partly by the historical process of impoverishment and deformation of the dialectical method, from the early 20th century this sense, the rescue of authentic dialectical method that has been carried out, is resuming the works of Marx or others who sought to retrieve it from deforming concepts such as Karl Korsch (1977; 1983), to name just one example, it is also part of a process of recognition of this contribution. Its theoretical contribution with his analysis of the capitalist mode of production follows the same logic and dynamic of its methodological contribution and the reading of Marx and those who rescued their design is also key. Finally, it is necessary to abandon the dogmatic readings as Korsch had demanded, and recognize that the whole of Marx's contribution is not only essential, but should be viewed critically and inserted in the social and historical context in which it was produced and as the perception that the story did not stop and he did not say anything, which means the need to update, develop, advance, deepen, the set of such contribution, including analyzing the changes occurred thanks to the historical development of capitalism. However, the perception of historicity was already in the works of Marx himself. So the key is to keep the essence of Marx's contribution: to analyze the reality of critical and revolutionary way, dispelling all illusions and naturalizations to contribute to the creation of the new.

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Thursday, August 6, 2015

ORGANIZED SUPPORTERS AND VIOLENCE IN FOOTBALL

ORGANIZED SUPPORTERS  AND VIOLENCE IN FOOTBALL

Nildo Viana

The organized supporters are often involved in acts of violence. Thus it becomes common to think that they are violent by nature, but there are exceptions. Some that are relatively peaceful, others are anti-violence in the country, such as Ultras Resistance Coral, Rail, Ceara. Nevertheless, such violence is generally encouraged and practiced within these twisted. The explanation of this phenomenon lies in the social base of the organized supporters and the mentality that breeds inside.

Organized twisted consist of people with precarious living situation, unemployed, etc., but not only. These are people who mostly did not gain the social competition and therefore have some frustration to be discharged in violent acts. Violence and aggression also play the role of substitute satisfaction by winning a competition, although not the great competition, which is social. The football team works as a way to compensate for the failure, since he is victorious. Similarly, the organized supporters demonstrating harder, and the individual inside, just winning this minor competition, but that brings a substitute satisfaction for the individual. Modern society is a competitive society. When she does not allow upward mobility for many individuals, especially young people and underprivileged classes, and produces a competitive mentality that permeates the entire society, also produces marginal forms of competition and among them the cheerleaders (organized supporters), which generate violence.

Thus, in a competitive society and unchanged possibilities, whether individual or collective, coupled with the situation of high level of poverty and unemployment, violence tend to be more constant and violence becomes a way to unload frustration. But individuals from the privileged classes also perform such acts of violence, whether through sports or otherwise, because depending on the values ​​of individuals and existing expectations in its class/family, he may commit acts of violence and join organized supporters, political groups of the extreme right (neo-Nazis), etc. Another source of violence are mental health problems, which affect individuals from all walks of life, such as excessive competition and the wear it causes as well as the aforementioned frustration. These and other reasons violence can merge and strengthen the case of the outbreak of violence in football.

Violence carried out by members of the organized supporters have social source whose origin is in social problems. Organized twisted create its own culture, typical of the people in the situation we set up, wanting to be higher and win a competition, whether through time or through one's own action while cheerleading. Each competitor in the absence of other resources, use what you have. The various social groups use different mechanisms of competition: the privileged sectors show their success through money, goods consumption, the display of wealth and power; intermediate sectors use art, culture, intelligence; the dispossessed have scarce resources: in addition to the victory of the other (football team, fans), there remains the physical strength. The youth culture that dominates the organized supporters is precisely the physical strength. This can be seen in aggressive symbols of organized supporters in their conversations and ways of acting. It is a wild culture, a demonstration of barbarism produced by modern society, which prevents the realization of thousands of human beings and also inculcates the competition in their heads, social and mental destruction.

Football is competitive and it is played off the field, including blending social and sporting competition, one offsetting the other, especially for the fans. The football, due to the competitive nature he assumed in our society and to all the social relations that exist, passes to relate intimately with violence, but we must realize that they are not synonymous. Football, as the organized supporters, is more social product and social relationships player than its producer. The violence of organized supporters can only be understood as a social phenomenon.
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Article originally published in the O Successo (Goiânia) on Friday, August 14, 2009 | Issue No. 595.

Hegemony and Slavery

Hegemony and Slavery

Nildo Viana


We live in an age of "fashions". Capitalism - with its "mass production" - creates successive fashions and even ideological and academic fashions. Examples are many: the postmodern, the end of history, the death of socialism and Marxism, etc. What remains of the "Marxism" has to be in the "fashion Gramscian". Today it holds a real review of the Brazilian historiography to fit it the Gramscian concepts. All historiography of the bourgeois revolution in Brazil is buried because the "need" to use the Gramscian concept of "revolution-restoration". Of course, along with this, there is an academic interest and the "will" to be original, even if it has to deform reality. We intend, in this text, refuting one of those academic tricks: one that seeks to use the concept of hegemony to analyze the Brazilian colonial slave society.

The Gramscian concept of hegemony can be summarized as follows: hegemony is the moral and intellectual direction the ruling class has on the lower classes, which takes place in civil society. Gramsci created this concept to explain the capitalist societies of Western Europe. This concept is interwoven with several others, such as civil society, politics, society full state, historical block position war, battle motion, revolution, Restoration etc. The application of this term to the Brazilian slave society presents two basic misconceptions: a) removes a concept conceptual system in which it was produced, and without re-elaborate it, apply it separately from other concepts that gives it meaning (certainly no one would defend the thesis form a "historical bloc", to conduct a "war of position", the slaves conquer "hegemony" in the "civil society" in the context of a colonial slave society); b) apply a concept designed to explain relationships in a capitalist society developed in another society with totally different social relations. Gramsci himself recognized the particular and historical character of the concepts he formulated when he put the concept (and the political strategy) of "war of position" was applicable to the West - because of the vitality of civil society - while in the east - because of weakness of civil society - should apply the concept (and the political strategy) of "war of movement". In different societies it uses concepts (strategies and policies) different. Another interesting aspect is that the Gramscian concepts are all politicians, and yet, their academic use cut him their political character. This is common in "Marxism" academic who abhors the political and "ideological" and academizar search, make "scientific" and neutral, depoliticize Marxism, or, in a word, it aburguesá search.

Therefore, the concept of hegemony is inapplicable to the Brazilian colonial slave mode of production. The ruling class did not exercise any "moral and intellectual direction" on the main exploited class, the slaves. These were subjected to forced labor and kept under continuous surveillance. The slave resistance was manifested not only in escape and the formation of quilombos, but even in everyday and sexuality level, as demonstrated by the practice of abortion of female slaves and the interruption of intercourse made by slaves who aimed to prevent slavery son, avoiding the latter. The thesis of "consent" of slaves is only an ideological resource (in the negative sense of the term, ie, understanding ideology by an inversion of reality) to "rehabilitate slavery." As we read these theses have the desire to go back in time and be slaves, after all, how good it was to be a slave !! Historian Jacob Gorender in his book Slavery rehabilitated, puts as the main production center of such theses the Department of History at Unicamp, this "most active focus of the new reactionary tendencies" (there are exceptions, of course). Unfortunately, there are reactionaries everywhere, especially in brazilian universities.

Sunday, August 2, 2015

Dengue, Capitalism and the Environment

Dengue, Capitalism and the Environment

Nildo Viana *


In 1955 it was eliminated the last outbreak of Aedes aegypti in Brazil. In 1967, outbreaks of this gnat reappear in Pará and in 1973 is again considered eliminated. A new resurgence in Salvador (BA) in 1976 is accompanied by a continued expansion of focus from the end of the 70s and early 80s and in 1986 is discovered in Rio de Janeiro, the existence in Brazil, Aedes albopictus of which spreads across the country. Both are transmitters of dengue, which emerges forcefully across the country at the end of the 90s of the 20th century that allows the resurgence of dengue? The answer to this question brings us to the issue of the environment and quality of life in capitalist society and its transformations.

The explanation of this phenomenon calls for the elimination of simplistic analyzes, such as those who attribute the resurgence of dengue to the lack of a state policy of prevention and control. This analysis falls into two methodological errors that any researcher would fall: a) the explanation of a phenomenon by no occurrence of another phenomenon; b) the illusory isolation of the analyzed phenomenon. Just as one can not say that "a child fell from the crib because the father did not hold" because his fall was caused by his movement and his father's external action could avoid it but not provoke it, nor can say that the lack of prevention and produced the return state control dengue because it could avoid or minimize maximum but never produce this phenomenon. A phenomenon can never be explained by the non-occurrence of another, as if a phenomenon does not occur, it does not exist, and consequently can not produce anything. Moreover, this kind of explanation forgets the fundamental methodological principle which is the total, according to which one can not isolate a phenomenon leaving aside its relations with other phenomena and their multiple determinations. But in addition to methodological errors, there is another reason why the return of dengue can not be explained thanks to the lack of state policy of prevention and control as it does not also exist in previous years.

What explains this phenomenon then? Some features of dengue and mosquitoes can help answer. Dengue fever develops contemporaneously in large urban centers and in periods of greater heat and the Aedes aegypti has small "dispersal capacity", ie, travels a few meters, meaning that its passage from one country to another is accomplished via transport utensils for human beings. Some researchers emphasize the role of the "clap" of the planet as a cause of the spread of dengue. The clap of the planet, in turn, is a product of capitalist development model, based on the expanded reproduction of capital and consumerism, which generates environmental destruction on a large scale. This is reinforced by the very constitution of urban space, which is a high population density and social inequality, and the benefits of urban infrastructure (sanitation, etc.) are denied to the poorest social groups. Thus, the determination key, the most important is the capitalist development model and full-scale environmental destruction.

Adjacent to and associated with this determination we found several other contributing to the spread of dengue, including excess waste, provided by this same model development based on the production scale consumer goods increased, which generates in turn, an enlarged reproduction of waste, which benefits the said expansion. Another element is the neoliberal state policy from the 80s and 90s of the 20th century Michel Chossudovsky puts As in his book The Globalization of Poverty, "in sub-Saharan Africa several contagious diseases supposedly controlled reappeared, including cholera, Yellow fever and malaria. In Latin America the prevalence of malaria and dengue has increased dramatically since the mid-80s in terms of incidence of the parasite. The activities of prevention and control (directly submitted to a reduction in public spending imposed by the Structural Adjustment Programme) suffered appreciable restriction ".

Thus, we note the relationship between dengue, environment and capitalism. The capitalist development model deteriorates the quality of life through the process of environmental destruction and causes the clap of the planet, generating in turn, the process of re-emergence of dengue. At the same time, this same development model is an urban space founded on inequality and population concentration, creating sectors marked by poverty and misery, elements that contribute to the spread of dengue, as well as produces the expanded reproduction of consumer goods production and the consumer market, alongside the consumer culture and the increasing production of waste, another element that facilitates the expansion of dengue.
Thus, we have the capitalist development model as a producer of dengue resurgence due to environmental destruction and clap the planet derived from it, and we like the spread of dengue facilitators neoliberal state policy, the formation of an urban space based on the marginalization of of the urban population, the growth of poverty and hunger, increased production of consumer goods and all that derives from it (consumerism, high waste production, etc.).

Thus, it is necessary to rethink the development model to avoid the reappearance of contagious diseases or the appearance of new, as environmental degradation and deterioration of quality of life point to reflect on the reason for the development, because it would only have direction (rational) if facing the well-being and improving the quality of life and not for a production-dynamic that serves the interests of a minority, less affected with the current state of affairs.

New year means new life?

New year means new life?
Nildo Viana

End of year. Amid the Christmas and New Year comes the expectation of beginning and change. Fortune tellers, astrologers, among others, are consulted by the media and the public to know how will be the year that is coming. People wish happy New Year to each other. Every holiday season is marked by this expectation that the year will start will be better. But where does this expectation and these predictions? What is the real basis of this expectation? What does the passage from one year to another? Such questions are rarely placed, because people rarely question the air they breathe, and this goes for the "cultural air," that is, the world of traditions and concepts that permeate everyday life.

The expectations are the product of desire for a better life, a happier future. The origin of these expectations is of two elements: discontent and desire. Discontent with the current life (in whole or in many of its aspects, that if the modern society, refer to the professional, emotional, financial, political) brings the desire for change, the hope that better days will come, dreams They will be realized.

The discontent and the desire to create expectation and a belief in change and a pseudestesia (false sense) collective renewal. Forecasts people do not have, in most cases, a concrete base. This makes the mystical forecasts a strong attractive, because they increase the hope and belief in change.

Most perceive this process as individual: discontent, the object of desire, expectation, belief in changes to the individual. Although there may be individual changes, they are limited if none of social change. Hence the eternal dissatisfaction and desire for change, because even those who climb a step in upward mobility, enrich and realize desires that, deep down, do not mean personal fulfillment, since they remain trapped in a commercial, bureaucratic and competitive society continue feeling discontent and the need for further change. The change in the collective sense was more common in "primitive" societies, not marked by individualism and competition, although it was not abolished, but only marginalized in modern society.


However, the move to the New Year does not mean any change in them. The year is a period of time built through a classification process, using as criteria the time the Earth takes to get around around the sun. In the contemporary world, is what is called "solar year", whose origin It is Egyptian. What occurs is a physical motion of a planet around a star, marking certain period of time. This time period also expressed biological changes in living beings, among others, but presenting no jump or radical change.

The expectation of change that occurs this time of year is directed to the sphere of social relations, which suffer no great influenceThis physical movement that serves as a qualifying criterion for the length of the year. In addition, the demarcation of when is the end of the year and beginning of the next is arbitrary, a social product. Could it be, instead of January 1, in August, since the calendar had been produced in another form, with another marking of dates. And it was so, for example, in ancient Egypt, where the year began on July 19. In other cases, the beginning of the year occurs on other dates as March, September, December. Not to mention the calendars in which the year has more than 12 months.

Some superficial changes reinforce this collective pseudestesia renewal. How various social relationships are organized from the temporal demarcation of the annual calendar, this reinforces the perception of a change. The school calendar, for example, is mainly organized on a yearly basis, which means that the individual looks forward to meeting new people, experience new relationships. Even as a six-month schedule, the sense of renewal is reinforced by the general climate announced by New Year and rather amplified by the media, by mysticism and by religions. New Year is also the Football League resumption and other sports competitions, the promises of new programs on TV and a few changes that, at bottom, nothing changes or change superficially, or localizadamente, reaching only some individuals or social groups, which is little more than individual change alluded to above. Because there is no change in the totality of social relations. In some individual cases, the changes are a little deeper as to who passed the entrance exam or hit a new labor contract.

With regard to social relations, the changes do not fall from heaven, nor is any magical event on January 1 that causes any change other than a continuity process with respect to (s) year (s) above (s). The Second World War broke out in 1939, was not born this year because it was the product of a long historical process which led to its reason for being and existence. So if someone wants new events the following year, have to realize that there is a process that brings a set of trends and the sheer will, faith or mysticism can do nothing in this direction, as are the previous actions that will promote possible changes. Although the will and faith are elements that can influence events, the preparation and the present action are more important to change the future. This has nothing to do with the move to the New Year. A magical day when things change without any action in this direction is impossible. The break between the present and the future does not occur, because the future is built today - carrying the influences of the past - including the break. Nothing will happen next year that is not already prepared, or in embryonic form this year and in previous years. Therefore wish happy New Year is something empty if we have not done anything for the future to be better. The best way to wish a happy New Year is to do something in this for this to happen in the future.